A Quantum of Solace: The Making of Modern Consciousness, Part II

A Quantum of Solace: The Making of Modern Consciousness, Part II

(A version of this article was published in Blogcritics on May, 2009)


Consider the following account of the emergence of the New Left (see section ix, par 2):

“If the Vietnam experience was the trigger, the liberal guilt was the psychological mechanism, and JFK’s youthful and charismatic persona served as an example – the image.” 

What’s missing from this account is the one quality that made it unlike any movement before or since. I’m referring to its idealism.

Indeed, because of its idealism, no other movement in the history of the world – no freedom or liberation movement, no single-issue movement, engineered as it may have been by the proponents of universal suffrage or the abolitionists, no peasant rebellion or religious revolt, not even the storming of the Bastille – compares to the little “hippie revolution,” the Haight-Ashbury, the free speech and counter-culture movement.


What is the trademark of idealism?

Well, it embraces all sins – past, present, and future. It overlooks nothing!

It’s akin to a God’s eye judging us all, the whole of humanity in fact, with one uncompromising and relentless standard. And the New Left, because of its idealism, has adopted that standard whereby everyone is held accountable, and everything is subject to scrutiny. To think otherwise is to deny your creed. Such are the wages of idealism.


One can’t say enough about the extent to which idealism – with its focus on the concept of justice, the highest of all virtues – had defined the New Left and shaped American politics ever since. 

For example:

  1. With its eye on universal justice, the idealistic Left views the Right as parochial and ethnocentric, standing in the way of progress by insisting on the most vulgar in selfishness; the Right, on the other hand, sees the Left as naïve and unpatriotic.
  2. Having the entire world under its watchful eye, the Left insists on America’s leadership to spread prosperity, freedom and justice to all parts of the globe; the Right views all such policies as detrimental to America’s security and national interest.
  3. The Left is adamant about restoring equality among competing individuals and leveling the playing field, both at home and abroad; the Right insists that all such efforts smack of socialism. It falls on the doctrine of personal responsibility, bolstered by social Darwinism and the survival of the fittest thesis, namely, the idea that individuals get what they deserve.
  4. The Left looks to international law and justice as a more genuine expression of the new morality and heightened consciousness; the Right dismisses all such efforts as un-American and striking at the very heart of the Constitution.
  5. The Left sees the Constitution and Bill of Rights as an open-ended document, more binding in spirit than the letter; the Right adheres to the strict interpretation and tends to view all revisions as specious constructs that only erode the authority of a timeless document and undermine the original intent.
  6. The Left is an ardent proponent of human rights: civil rights, the right of free speech, the right of choice as regards abortion and equal treatment at home and in the workplace, the right of freedom from gender or ethnic discrimination, the right to a level playing field; the Right tends to view some of those rights as dubious entitlements and therefore contrary to the spirit of freedom and free enterprise, as countermanding, in fact, the very principles which made this country great.

But herein lies the rub. The forces which account for the emergence of the New Left – fired by idealism and propelled by the ongoing obsession with universal justice – are the very same forces that had brought about the near-phenomenal explosion of popular consciousness, an explosion on a scale never encountered before. (See “A Quantum of Solace, Part I.”) One could well say that both phenomena, equally unique and unprecedented in the history of humankind, are not only coincidental but constitute two sides of the same coin.

To put it more succinctly, perhaps, if the New Left is the medium, then the new and expanded consciousness is the message.


Not surprisingly, perhaps, selfsame results obtained from examining the operational definition of the New Left in Part II of our “Hidden Dimensions” series:

The [New] Left is public opinion mobilized around some polarizing moral issue or issues, and which has attained sufficient critical mass to affect major political decisions in matters of public policy and any area even remotely connected to the issue at hand.

Little did I know that when I offered this provisional definition, I would be describing “the new consciousness” as well. And yet, come to think of it, all the elements I attributed to the latter in the preceding article are present in the definition of the New Left: public opinion, critical mass, and an exclusively moral outlook. 

It’s arguable, therefore, that “public opinion” and its impact in determining public policy are relatively modern, 20th-century phenomena made possible by the unprecedented explosion in the area of mass communication and the media.1  And this would make “public opinion” co-extensive with “the new consciousness,” or at least with the predominant expression thereof. 

If the New Left is the organ, the new and enhanced morality is its most natural voice!


What is it about idealism which makes it such a potent and uncompromising force? How does it differ from other, equally worthy motives which ignited the revolutions and revolts in times prior: freedom and liberation movements, slave uprisings and prison breaks, workers’ strikes, boycotts and whatnot, and all manner of struggles against specific injustices, such as the Right to vote or against the discrimination in the workplace, or the more general ones, such as civil rights? 

The answers, I suggest, reside in the origins of the movement, in its composition, the rank and file.


Say what you will, but the New Left was the direct result of the middle- and upper-class upbringing: the spoiled brats, primarily white, who had nothing better to do than to attend liberal arts colleges and waste their time on drugs, free love, and what have you, the direct result of the unprecedented prosperity which, once upon a time, was the trademark of the American experience. Not for all, I hasten to add, but for the many. It was thus that a movement was born.

Vietnam was the first bone of contention, but it was only the beginning. The movement had soon spread to include all points of (moral) disagreement: the military-industrial complex, the Establishment, civil rights, feminism, gay rights, the rights of the physically impaired, the environment, and on and on. Indeed, every single advance in the area of human rights in the second half of the 20th century can be traced, if not directly then indirectly, at least, to the New Left’s involvement. 

And it doesn’t matter now whether the New Left had embraced the new causes or whether it simply grew in rank and file as the fight would spread to include the hotly-debated issues. The net effect was, the little ol’ hippie revolution of the sixties energized everything it had touched unlike any other movement before or since. It had infused it with its particular brand of energy, enthusiasm, and passion. It spearheaded every advance in human rights and every fight against injustice, large or small, and in so doing, it affected the outcome. Which is just another way of saying that the rise of the New Left coincides or is synonymous with the explosion of universal, mass consciousness. 

The rest is history.


That is, of course, the most salient if not the defining characteristic of idealism, its force majeure, as it were — namely, its rootedness in, and commitment to, causes outside of oneself! Indeed, I take it as axiomatic that it’s from some such stuff that all true believers are made of. And, further, that the force at work is far more potent than any other concern that is merely self-serving and aims to redress whatever personal grievances or injustices — because it’s other-directed. I’m going here by the simple assumption that it’s always easier and more convincing to stand up for somebody else rather than for yourself!

That’s the power of the idea, moral idea, I should preface. “The pen is mightier than the sword” is a testimonial It’s from thence that the force of idealism derives.


Can the movement sustain itself in light of the present crisis? Aren’t we in danger of backsliding, which would only validate a cyclical view of history? What can we do to keep the fires burning?

I’ll turn to these and related considerations in conclusion.

  1. The brief interlude of post-revolutionary France along with the formation of the Fourth Estate, prompted as both may have been by the Age of Enlightenment and the writings of the philosophes, is a notable exception.


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